Dekantasyon August 28, 2021 with Frantz Jerome, Kevin Pina and featuring KAFENOL from Montreal.

 Dekantasyon is a bilingual program in Kreyol & English co-produced by Frantz Jerome and Kevin Pina featuring KAFENOL from Montreal that provides news and analysis of events and politics in Haiti. 

On today's show we look at the branding of aid to Haiti by politicians, charities, NGOs and even gangs trying to rehabilitate their image. 

Dekantasyon August 21, 2021 with Frantz Jerome, Kevin Pina and featuring KAFENOL from Montreal.

Dekantasyon is a bilingual program in Kreyol & English co-produced by Frantz Jerome and Kevin Pina featuring KAFENOL from Montreal that provides news and analysis of events and politics in Haiti. 

On today's show we focus on non-profits, NGOs and charities providing aid to Haiti's south following a major earthquake there last week.

DEKANTASYON: Deconstructing events in #Haiti - AUGUST 14, 2021 with Frantz Jerome, Kevin Pina & KAFENOL

 

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On today's show we discuss the impact and response to the 7.2 earthquake that struck southern Haiti earlier today.

DEKANTASYON: Deconstructing events in #Haiti - August 7, 2021 with Frantz Jerome, Kevin Pina & KAFENOL

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DEKANTASYON: Deconstructing events in #Haiti - June 19, 2021 with Frantz Jerome, Kevin Pina & `KAFENOL

 

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DEKANTASYON: Deconstructing events in #Haiti - July 31, 2021 with Frantz Jerome, Kevin Pina & KAFENOL

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A deep dive into the assassination of president Jovenel Moise the details, the players and the outcome.

DEKANTASYON: Deconstructing events in #Haiti - July 24, 2021 with Frantz Jerome, Kevin Pina & `KAFENOL

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On today's show we discuss the relationship of the 2004 coup and the assassination of Jovenel Moise in #Haiti. How the 2004 coup is THE context for events unfolding in Haiti.

DEKANTASYON: Deconstructing events in #Haiti - July 17, 2021 with Frantz Jerome, Kevin Pina & `KAFENOL

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Update on Core Group's reversal and appointment of Ariel Henry to replace Claude Joseph as Haiti's PM. 

DEKANTASYON: Deconstructing events in #Haiti - July 10, 2021 with Frantz Jerome, Kevin Pina & `KAFENOL

 

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We devote the entire hour to the assassination of President Jovenel Moise in #Haiti.

CIA recruitment program from trainees in Haiti's police jumpstarted in 1996: "Separating Cops, Spies" by Sam Skolnik

 ORIGINAL LINK (now defunct): http://www.us.net/cip/icitap2.htm

Separating Cops, Spies

March 1, 1999

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

An investigative article by Sam Skolnik, senior reporter, Legal Times.

The Legal Times is the premier weekly newspaper paper on law and lobbying in

Washington. Subscriptions are available at:

Legal Times

1730 M Street, N.W.

Washington, D.C. 20036

The former director of the Justice Department program that trains foreign

police officers has alleged that she was forced from her post after raising

concerns that department officials refused to protect her office's law

enforcement mission from possible CIA encroachment.

Janice Stromsem, until last month director of the International Criminal

Investigative Training Assistance Program, has filed a grievance with the

department's equal employment opportunity office, claiming that her efforts

to implement a policy preventing ICITAP's staff from engaging in

intelligence activities resulted in her ultimately being removed from her

job.

The ICITAP program has spawned several complaints from disgruntled

employees. But the issues raised by Stromsem are especially sensitive, given

Cold War-era concerns about keeping domestic law enforcement free of

international espionage.

That historic divide is a flashpoint at ICITAP, a 13-year-old program whose

staffers work to win trust among newly emerging, often unstable democracies

many of which have been of great interest to American intelligence in the

past.

The line between law enforcement and intelligence has been blurring in

recent years, causing tensions among U.S. government agencies. The most

recent: allegations that U.N. weapons inspectors in Iraq were working in

concert with the CIA.

Stromsem filed her EEO action in December 1998, but the underlying incident

at the heart of her grievance dates back to 1996.

That year, she claims, her efforts to implement a policy walling ICITAP

staffers off from intelligence-gathering activities was rejected by Mark

Richard, a powerful career attorney in the department's Criminal Division.

In the fall of 1998, Stromsem claims, she was contacted about the matter by

the office of Inspector General Michael Bromwich, which has been probing a

series of allegations of misconduct at ICITAP and its sister office, the

Office of Professional Development and Training (OPDAT), which trains

foreign prosecutors. Stromsem told Bromwich about the aborted

anti-intelligence policy, and provided documents to back her claim,

according to her attorney, Irving Kator of D.C.'s Kator, Scott & Parks.

Following that contact, Bromwich called in Richard, according to Kator. Soon

after that meeting, Stromsem was told she would be leaving ICITAP, Kator

contends.

Holder Denies Connection

In an interview late last week, Deputy Attorney General Eric Holder Jr. said

that there was no cause and effect involved in Stromsem's departure from the

ICITAP program. "Bottom line, there was no linkage between the IG investigation and Janice

Stromsem's removal," Holder says.

Asked the department's view on whether programs like ICITAP should ever be

open to intelligence agency participation, Holder says: "We cannot comment

on intelligence activities [regarding ICITAP], no matter how unfounded the

allegations might be. We reaffirm the exclusive mission of ICITAP is

international training and nation building."

Stromsem, now an official at the Global Bureau of the U.S. Agency for

International Development (AID), and Richard both decline comment.

A CIA spokeswoman also declines comment.

One U.S. government official, who asks not to be identified, says that "the

CIA is not in any way involved in [ICITAP]. If you were to report that, you

would be wrong."

Recruiting in Haiti

Stromsem is not the only one who has voiced concerns that intelligence

agents have sought to infiltrate ICITAP, a $25 million operation with some

40 staffers fanned out across the Caribbean, Latin America, the former

Soviet Union, and Eastern Europe.

According to four former ICITAP staffers and one State Department official,

the CIA has from time to time sought to recruit staffers, contractors, and

trainees affiliated with the program in countries such as Haiti and El

Salvador, where ICITAP has trained thousands of police officers.

One former ICITAP contractor in Haiti says bluntly that he and other

instructors were informed by students "that they were solicited by U.S.

intelligence services."

Charles Allen, a legal adviser to the Richardson, Texas, police department

who worked for ICITAP in 1995, says the practice, in which intelligence

agents would approach the students during off hours and weekends to try to

recruit them, "was wrong."

"When we went to Haiti, we went with the understanding that the country had

never had a democratic government or civilian police force,"says Allen.

Intelligence recruiting was "not good for those cadets, not good for Haiti,

and not good for the program. We were to make civilian police out of them,

not spies."

Further, The Nation magazine reported in February 1996 that the CIA had

placed agents in the Haitian National Police, which was rebuilt after the

1994 U.S. invasion and the installment of Washington-backed ruler

Jean-Bertrand Aristide. The magazine reported that those CIA recruitments

took place during ICITAP training at Fort Leonard Wood, Mo.

There was no specific ICITAP policy in place to prevent them from doing so.

In late 1995, Stromsem decided to write a policy that would set in stone

what had been an unwritten rule prohibiting ICITAP staffers from

communicating with agents of the CIA, the Defense Intelligence Agency, or

any other covert intelligence gathering group.

"It is critical for the credibility of the program and for the legitimacy of

U.S. Government efforts in overseas police reform that ICITAP personnel and

contractors be exclusively dedicated to fulfilling ICITAP's mission goals

and objectives,"states the executive summary of the proposal, a copy of

which was obtained by Legal Times. "It is manifestly evident that any

connection between representatives of ICITAP and any internal intelligence

gathering organization would be detrimental to our mission, and would be an

especially sensitive issue with many countries with which we expect to be

dealing in the future."

The proposal also contended that the Foreign Assistance Act of 1960

specifies that no foreign aid money can be used to provide assistance to

U.S. intelligence agencies.

Though it is a Justice Department program, ICITAP receives most of its funds

from the State Department, i.e., from foreign assistance money.

Proposal Rejected

Stromsem presented the proposed initiative to Richard in March 1996,

according to internal DOJ memorandums.

But Richard, then Stromsem's supervisor, wrote to her on April 25, 1996,

saying, "I have serious concerns about this statement and do not want to see

it moved on without further discussions,"according to an internal DOJ

document.

Richard's decision to nix the proposal was firmed up in a meeting the

following day, according to two participants in the meeting, which included

Richard, Stromsem, and at least three other Criminal Division officials.

Richard said he did not want to preclude putting ICITAP resources at the

disposal of intelligence agencies including the CIA when needed, according to

the two participants, who asked not to be named.

In a Jan. 7, 1999, letter to Deputy Attorney General Holder, Stromsem's

attorney wrote that "[Stromsem] was surprised when Mark Richard . . .

refused to approve the memo. Consequently, the directive was never

transmitted to ICITAP staff and the issue of the use of ICITAP employees for

intelligence work was never dealt with directly."

Kator claims that despite Stromsem's positive job appraisals, Richard forced

her out of ICITAP after four years at its helm, denied her a raise she is

owed, and bad-mouthed her to potential new employers.

Kator says he has received no reply to his letter to Holder. A senior

Justice official says that Holder did respond to Kator in January, adding

that the letter was forwarded to the IG, in accordance with standard

procedure.

Bromwich is apparently interested in probing the question of alleged CIA

involvement in ICITAP, according to two government officials who have been

questioned by the inspector general's office. The officials say his

investigators first raised the issue with them.

Paul Martin, a spokesman for the inspector general, declines comment on the

status of the investigation.

Despite her earlier whistleblowing on the CIA infiltrating Haiti's
police, Stromsem would later collaborate with the Boulos funded 
Haiti Democracy Project (HDP) that was instrumental
in the propaganda campaign waged against
Lavalas and Aristide used to justify the 2004 coup.

Stromsem Investigated

Stromsem (who Kator says will also likely file a whistleblower complaint

soon at the Office of Special Counsel) may herself be a target of the IG's

inquiry.

Although no actions have been taken against her as a result of the

wide-ranging ICITAP probe, Stromsem, according to three Justice officials

familiar with the matter, may be under investigation for relatively minor

allegations of workplace harassment and other charges.

(Stemming largely from the complaints of a pair of whistleblowers, the

inquiry has grown significantly in the last two years and involves

allegations ranging from security breaches to contracting abuses to visa

fraud to hiring irregularities and workplace harassment. (See "Blowing

Whistles at DOJ,"Sept. 21, 1998, Page 2.) The investigation was first

reported by Insight, a weekly news magazine published by The Washington

Times Corp., in September 1997.)

Stromsem does have at least one high-powered backer, however. Sen. Edward

Kennedy (D-Mass.) wrote Holder on Jan. 19, urging him to take the necessary

steps to ensure that Stromsem is treated fairly.

And at least one official at the State Department supports many of

Stromsem's claims.

"As much as we wanted her to continue on as ICITAP director, it was clear

they were making life difficult for her at Justice," says the official, who

asks not to be named. "Jan has the complete and absolute confidence of the

State Department and AID."

Policy Debated

Kate Martin, director of the Center for National Security Studies, a civil

liberties group, says Richard and other higher-ups at Justice may have

concluded that in the larger national interests of fighting terrorism and

international drug smuggling, it is necessary to keep open the option of

allowing the CIA into programs that on their face have nothing to do with

intelligence gathering.

But Martin warns that there can be "all sorts of terrible effects" when

intelligence agencies are allowed to recruit in programs like ICITAP.

"It can be positively detrimental to the rule of law in countries that for

the first time are trying to build their own intelligence agencies and do

away with the legacies of secret police,"Martin says. She adds that the

suspicion of CIA involvement "is best addressed by the U.S. government being

forthright. It's best to draw a bright line."

Two former ICITAP staffers, who ask not to be identified, concur.

"I didn't sign up to work for the CIA,"says one former staffer. Richard's

decision to reject the intelligence policy "conceptually subverted the need

for an ICITAP."

Former intelligence community officials say, however, that if the CIA has

attempted to gather intelligence or recruit agents through ICITAP, it likely

had good reasons to do so.

Stewart Baker, general counsel of the National Security Agency from 1992 to

1994, says that it's generally not unhealthy for law enforcement and the

intelligence community to be working more closely.

"That's a Cold War notion, that intelligence gathering is dark and dirty,

and law enforcement is just about catching crooks. That world is gone,"says

Baker, a partner at D.C.'s Steptoe & Johnson.

Jeffrey Smith, general counsel of the CIA from 1995 to 1996, and his

predecessor, Elizabeth Rindskopf, decline comment on the allegations

surrounding ICITAP.

But they note that they worked with the general counsel of the Peace Corps

to ensure adherence to the corps' rigid policy of walling off CIA contacts.

(Stromsem used the Peace Corps model in developing her policy proposal,

according to one ex-ICITAP employee.)

Regarding the Peace Corps, "We bent over backwards there to make sure we

were very correct," says Rindskopf, who is of counsel at the D.C. office of

St. Louis' Bryan Cave. "It seems to me to be the wise policy."

Richard Close to Reno, CIA

Whatever the propriety of the policy or lack thereof, there is little

question that Stromsem's allegations are having an impact at the

department--in no small part because they involve one of its most powerful

and important behind-the-scenes players. 

Richard has several adamant defenders, both inside and outside the department. 

Even members of the civil liberties community say he is a smart

and honorable prosecutor.

Richard, a Brooklyn native who has spent more than 30 years at the

department, reportedly has the ear of Attorney General Janet Reno.

"Mark Richard has been a longtime official of DOJ,"says Holder. "I've known

him for 23 years. He's a totally dedicated, selfless public servant."

He also has friends in the intelligence community. In fact, he is regarded

as one of Justice's top experts on intelligence, having co-written a report

with Rindskopf, the former CIA general counsel, in May 1995 on improving

ties between Main Justice and the CIA.

Some of his detractors at the department say quietly that Richard carries

the water at Justice for the Langley spymasters.

But Smith, the former CIA general counsel, disagrees.

"Believe me, when I was out there, he took some skin off my back,"says

Smith, now a partner at D.C.'s Arnold & Porter. "He has no problem sticking

up for the Justice Department."

Richard's Duties Change

Richard is recovering from lung surgery and is now working part time; his

supervisors expect him to resume full-time duties before too long. But his

portfolio has changed. According to an internal department memo dated Jan.

26, Criminal Division Assistant Attorney General James Robinson has assumed

direct oversight responsibility over ICITAP and OPDAT--taking them away from

Richard. 

The Jan. 26 memo came less than three weeks after Kator's letter

landed on Eric Holder's desk. Richard Rossman, chief of staff to AAG Robinson, 

says Stromsem's departure from ICITAP and Richard's removal from the program's 

oversight are not related to the IG investigation.

"I can assure you that the IG investigation had nothing to do with these

decisions,"says Rossman. "That, I'm adamant about."

Robinson, Rossman says, is interested in education programs, having served

as dean at Wayne State University Law School in Detroit before coming to

Justice, and came up with the idea of taking charge of the policing programs

on his own.

What's more, says Rossman, "the whole international training thing is

mushrooming into an important part of what we do here."

In fact, international police training long predates the appearance of

ICITAP in 1986. And there may be some cautionary lessons there for the

department.

In 1962, Congress created the Office of Public Safety as an adjunct to AID

to formally incorporate police assistance into foreign aid programs.

In 1974, Congress terminated that program amid charges that U.S. trainers

condoned the use of police brutality and torture and were too closely

identified with the CIA.

DEKANTASYON: Deconstructing events in #Haiti - July 03, 2021 with Frantz Jerome, Kevin Pina & `KAFENOL

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On today's show we discuss the hypocrisy and role of Reginald Boulos, the assassination of Antoinette Duclair and Diego Charles, the recent armed protest led by former policeman Jimmy Cherizier aka Barbecue and the G9 confederation of gangs and much more. 

DEKANTASYON: Deconstructing events in #Haiti - June 12, 2021 with Frantz Jerome, Kevin Pina & KAFENOL

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More tales of corruption and government violence in Haiti. A discussion of different tendencies in the Haiti's opposition.

DEKANTASYON: Deconstructing events in #Haiti - June 5, 2021 with Frantz Jerome, Kevin Pina, Orlando Aupont & KAFENOL

 

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On today's show we discuss the violence in Martissant,  where gangs are fighting over the lucrative spoils of corruption in Haiti and more.

DEKANTASYON: Deconstructing events in #Haiti - May 29, 2021 with Frantz Jerome, Kevin Pina & KAFENOL

 

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Haitians protests illegal constitutional referendum in US, France and Canada. The origins of The Little Machete Army in #Haiti and the #PHTK regime of Jovenel Moise. Who is Gonzague Day and why is trying to impress his infamous Duvalierist father?

DEKANTASYON: Deconstructing events in #Haiti - May 22, 2021 with Frantz Jerome, Kevin Pina & our special guest Farah Juste

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On today's DEKANTASYON we visit protests in France and New York by the Haitian diaspora against the June 27th referendum to change Haiti's constitution being pushed by the #PHTK government of Jovenel Moise.  Gang leader Jimmy Cherizier, aka BBQ, has offered to provide security for the referendum in Port au Prince stating, "We either have a referendum to change the constitution or we have a civil war"! We also look at Columbia's attempt to use Haiti to improve the image of its police who have been going on a killing spree against anti-government protests in its own country. Finally, we're joined by legendary singer and activist Farah Juste for a discussion about events in Haiti.

DEKANTASYON: Deconstructing events in #Haiti - May 15, 2021 with Frantz Jerome, KAFENOL & Kevin Pina

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Remittances in Haiti reach an all time high, new commission to solve ongoing crisis in Haiti backed by so-called "international community", progressive organizations in the Dominican Republic declare former PHTK president Michel Martelly persona non grata a day before he plays at Hard Rock in Santo Domingo. We're also joined by Tony Jean-Thenor with Veye-Yo, an organization for Haitian rights founded by Father Gerard Jean-Juste in Miami, Florida.

DEKANTASYON: Deconstructing events in #Haiti - May 8, 2021 with Frantz Jerome, KAFENOL & Kevin Pina

 

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Juan Gabriel Valdes has no right to opinion on #Haiti given his role in the 2004 coup and more.

DEKANTASYON: Deconstructing events in #Haiti - April 24, 2021 with Maud Jean-Michel

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Fanmi Lavalas calls for “Sali Piblik” in #Haiti

 

ORIGINAL ARTICLE: https://haitisolidarity.net/fanmi-lavalas-calls-for-sali-piblik/

Fanmi Lavalas supports the masses of the Haitian people in their call for “Sali Piblik” or a people’s government of public safety in opposition to an oligarchy backed by the US, UN and OAS determined to perpetuate a system of exclusion. Watch this short video with english voice-over [english trans. by Haiti Action Committee] to learn more.

English text:

Feb. 14, 2021 over 100,000 denounce Jovenel Moise dictatorship in Port-au-Prince

Fanmi Lavalas Political Organization fully supports the people of Haiti who say that the system is totally broken. Our people are calling for an executive and a government that guarantees the public’s safety. Why Public Safety?

It is clear to all that the three branches of government have collapsed. The order of the day corruption, organized crime, impunity, theft, plunder, social exclusion, miserable living conditions and desperation. The executive, legislative and judiciary have come together as one to crush the Haitian people. People have absolutely no trust in this government.

Fanmi Lavalas published a document titled “Crisis and Solution” on November 15, 2018. We stated that, after the resignation of Jovenel Moise (indicted president) who was imposed as a result of the 2016 electoral coup d’etat, there will have to be a new executive and a government of public safety to make the transition. Which individuals will lead the transition? They will be people who are honest and credible; they are in the country. People who believe in transparency, in the struggle against social exclusion, corruption, people who believe in a different form of governance. They will restore trust between the people and the state.

Let us look at some of the major steps that the transition government will have to take:

1) Improve the living conditions of the population through an effective management of state resources

2) Create proper conditions for the legal case regarding the PetroCaribe funds

3) Organize a real national dialogue.

4) Revise the electoral law in order to organize credible elections in the country

5) Organize a constitutional committee

The transition will lay the foundation for the new system that all Haitians aspire to. That is a system based on Social Justice, Transparency and Participation. Where there will be no more social exclusion. We will be investing in people so that everyone can live as human beings because every person is a human being. As President Aristide always says ‘If we don’t safeguard our dignity, we will lose it.’ Alone we are weak, together we are strong, all together we are Lavalas!”

English translation of the full Fanmi Lavalas proposal titled “Crisis and Resolution” originally published in November 2018 can be accessed at this link: https://haitisolidarity.net/crisis-and-resolution/.”

Background to #Haiti's Lavalas movement's call for “Sali Piblik” or “Public Salvation”

 

Fanmi Lavalas Statement, 11-15-18

This is an unofficial translation by Haiti Action Committee.

There is a grave crisis in contemporary Haitian society, in which the masses of our people are opposing an oligarchy determined to perpetuate a system of exclusion.

 There have been many bumps in the road since February, 1986, when our people overthrew the Duvalier regime. Several coups d’etat have occurred, with the most damaging to the population having taken place in 1991 and 2004. Despite continued battering by the repressive and ideological machine, the more conscious and militant sectors of the population have stood firm; their resistance has been constant despite periods of setback.

At the present time, we are witnessing a general awakening of national consciousness. In addition to the population rising up to insist on better living conditions, with demands coming from many different sectors, including workers, peasants, educators, and students, the scandal involving the embezzling of the Petro-Caribe funds has provoked a big upsurge in mobilization against corruption and impunity. As so often occurs throughout history, the Petro-Caribe scandal has raised the awareness of the overwhelming majority about the unjust economic and political system, revealing the cause-and-effect relationship between this system and the sufferings of the Haitian people. Large masses of the population have come to understand with greater clarity and intensity the urgent necessity to take their destiny in their own hands.  

As usually occurs during periods of dynamic struggle such as the present, the oligarchy is fractured. Attempting to maintain the status quo, it is faced with internal contradictions regarding the strategy that would allow it to save “the system”—a sham institutional “democracy” set within a framework of an economic and social regime based on glaring inequalities, a stranglehold on political power that excludes the popular masses, and the pillage of national resources.  

Fanmi Lavalas Political Organization is always closely tuned in to the various sectors of the population, and our conclusion is obvious: it is time for the political class to muster the courage to initiate a profound change in the paradigm and structures of governance that characterize the present system. This is a necessity that has a wide consensus as manifested by the ever-growing magnitude of anti-government mobilization that we are witnessing today. It is imperative that we respect the people’s aspirations for progress and for a just society. It is paramount that we stand in solidarity with the people’s protests demanding a new form of state. The nation deserves a new system that is more in harmony with the dreams of our founders, a new vision of the Republic rooted in Justice, Transparency and Participation.

The population is rejecting the usurpers who have derived their power from the fraudulent elections and who have discredited themselves with multiple scandals involving corruption and impunity. Our people are facing savage repression that continues to create victims among the disadvantaged masses, and that is heightening the insecurity that is poisoning daily life for the majority. Fanmi Lavalas Political Organization continues to stand firmly with the Haitian people to “chavire chodyè a” (overturn the cauldron). No cosmetic solution will bring an effective and lasting solution to the crisis in which we are plunged.This system has run its course. It cannot be patched up. It must be changed.

“Chavire chodyè a” (Overturn the cauldron) means that we consider this moment to be exceptional. The deterioration of the political situation, the degradation of the economy and public finances, the failure of the state and its institutions, the lack of legitimacy and the absence of credibility at all levels of the state apparatus, make illusory if not impossible an end to the crisis by so-called constitutional means. The conditions for a new beginning that will put the country back on track, in keeping with the demands of the overwhelming majority, require an exceptional approach. For Fanmi Lavalas this includes:

1) Obtain the resignation of Jovenel Moise through a general mobilization

2) Resignation of Jean Henry Ceant and all his ministers

3) Assess the dysfunction and lapses in the Parliament

4) Put in place an executive and a government of public safety to ensure a transition for a period of 36 months.

This transition government will consist of credible personalities, engaged in the struggle against exclusion and corruption, who share a vision of a new method of governance. Among the priorities to be included:

a) Improve the living conditions of the population by the sound and efficient management of current priorities pending the installation of an elected government.

b) Create a constituent assembly for a new fundamental charter that will define the features of the new Republic.

 c) Organize a necessary national dialogue.

d) Create the conditions that will end impunity and allow for a trial of those who have absconded with the Petro-Caribe funds.   

e) Take all measures to revise the Electoral Law and appoint a new electoral council charged with organizing elections to close out the transition period

The transition aims to implement fundamental reforms that would allow a democratic process and would make possible free, honest and credible elections. The transition must restore confidence between the people and the state. In this light the demands of the popular masses must be taken into account on all issues. True to its commitment to social justice and participation, Fanmi Lavalas will play its role alongside the population in continuing to promote the dialogue that is indispensable among the sons and daughters of the same land.    

Executive Committee of Fanmi Lavalas
Dr. Maryse Narcisse 
M. Joël Vorbe 
Dr. Jean Myrto Julien
Agr. Anthony Dessources